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[Vol. 32, No. 2, 2014]

 

 

Published by
Universiti Sains Malaysia Press

Print ISSN: 0127-4082
Online ISSN: 2180-4273
Frequency: Biannually
Current Issue: Volume 32, No. 2, 2014
Abstracting/Indexing: EBSCO, Genamics, Google Scholar, MyAIS, Bibliography of Asian Studies (BAS), Directory of Open Access Journal (DOAJ)

Kajian Malaysia is listed in Scopus and ERA Ranked Journal List.

USM has extended content delivery format for its journals’ publication in print and PDF to include ePub, to address the growing need for more mobile accessibility.
 
:: Aims & Scope
 

Kajian Malaysia is a refereed journal committed to the advancement of scholarly knowledge of Malaysia by encouraging discussion among the several branches of social sciences and humanities. The journal publishes articles, reviews and notes which by their content or approach, is of interest to a wide range of scholars. Although the journal would focus mainly on works in the field of Malaysian studies, articles with a theoretical content may also be published.

Kajian Malaysia is published by Universiti Sains Malaysia Press by an autonomous Editorial Board drawn from staff members of the University. The Board is assisted by a panel of distinguished scholars from local and foreign universities.

The journal pursues a bilingual publishing policy (Bahasa Malaysia and English). The Editorial Board reserves the right to decide which language an article will appear in, and will undertake to provide professionally acceptable translations.

 

:: Current Issue

Volume 32, No. 2, 2014
 

Title: "Unconstitutional Constitutional Amendments?": Exploring The 1973 Sabah Constitutional Amendment That Declared Islam The State Religion
Author: Mohd. Nazim Ganti Shaari
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(2) 1-21, 2014
 
- Abstract  

When North Borneo agreed to join Malaya, Singapore and Sarawak to form the Federation of Malaysia, among the guarantees that it requested was that Islam not be designated the state religion of Sabah. The request arose out of various missions carried out to ascertain the wishes of the Sabahans. However, in 1973, the State Constitution of Sabah was amended to insert Article 5, which declared Islam to be Sabah's state religion. Although this exercise of the "popular sovereignty of the people" might not be out of place in the context of "representing the popular will of the people", this particular constitutional amendment is peculiar when examined in light of various historical constitutional documents related to North Borneo because the amendment suggests that historical antecedents are not relevant in shaping a constitution. A constitution cannot be divorced from the history of its people but at the same time, putting a large premium on history would result in an outdated constitution: it has often been said that a constitution must be flexible to accommodate the wishes of the present generation of citizens. Accordingly, the validity of Article 5 must be scrutinised from all angles to determine whether its assumption of "representing the popular will of the people" is valid. This process ensures that constitutional change is not solely subject to the whims of the legislative body, which might be dictated by political concerns and personal ambitions due to the nature of politics and the political process.

Keywords: North Borneo, Sabah, constitutional amendment, state religion

Title: Morphological Parafoveal Preview Benefit Effects When Reading Derived Words in Malay
Author: Heather Winskel and Khazriyati Salehuddin
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(2) 23-40, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Eye-movement tracking is a method that is used to study reading across different languages and is increasingly being employed. Eye movements provide a window into the underlying cognitive processes and mechanisms while a person is reading (Rayner, 1998). The majority of research investigating eye movements during reading has been conducted on European languages such as English and German; relatively little work has been conducted on other writing systems such as Malay. Malay offers an interesting opportunity to investigate early morphological processing because Malay has a rich derivational morphologythat is more structurally and semantically transparent than English. The current study investigates whether the morphological constituents of affixed words (prefixed and suffixed) in Malay influence early word processing during reading using the boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975). The boundary paradigm involves the positioning of a preview word stimulus in place of the target word so that when the eyes move towards the preview word, they cross an invisible boundary that triggers a change from the preview word to the target word. Two commonly used affixes were used: a prefix pe- and a suffix -an, which both convert a verb into a nominal (e.g. lakon, "to act", with the prefix pe- becomes pelakon, "actor";and makan, "to eat", with the suffix -an becomes makanan, "food"). Thirty participants read 72 single sentences that were identical in length (having the same number of letters) and contained affixed and pseudo-affixed words. Parafoveal previews consisted of identical affixed and control conditions. The dependent measures were first fixation duration and gaze duration. The results revealed a significant preview benefit for the identical condition compared with the affixed and control conditions and for the affixed condition compared withthe control condition. This effect was not influenced by word type; hence, there was no evidence of morphological pre-processing. In conclusion, the results from the current study indicate that although Malay is a morphologically rich language with a relatively transparent orthography, readers do not necessarily utilise early morphological processes. The results are discussed in terms of language and orthography-specific differences in early morphological processing.

Keywords: eye movements, Malay, reading, morphological processing

Title: Ketegangan Hubungan Indonesia-Malaysia dalam Isu Tarian Pendet
The Tension between Indonesia-Malaysia in The Pendet Dance Issue
Author: Ali Maksum and Reevany Bustami
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(2) 41-72, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Artikel ini menganalisis pertikaian tarian pendet tahun 2009 yang telah meningkatkan ketegangan dalam hubungan Indonesia-Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan perspektif realisme dalam kajian hubungan antarabangsa, artikel ini membentangkan hujah-hujah dalam tiga bahagian: (1) analisis senario pertikaian tarian pendet, (2) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi isu tersebut, dan (3) kesannya ke atas hubungan Indonesia-Malaysia. Walaupun isu atau kontroversi tarian pendet ini mendapat perhatian di kedua-dua negara, reaksi sesetengah pihak di Indonesia dilihat agak melampau berbanding dengan reaksi di Malaysia. Hal ini berkemungkinan besar disebabkan oleh hakikat bahawa pertikaian tarian pendet berlaku di tengah-tengah senario persaingan politik dalaman pasca pilihan raya presiden 2009 di Indonesia. Akibatnya, sentimen anti-Malaysia telah dieksploitasikan di Indonesia. Walau demikian, hubungan kerajaan dengan kerajaan kekal stabil, meskipun hubungan rakyat dengan rakyat terjejas, justeru menambah lagi titik yang tidak menyenangkan dalam sejarah kedua-dua negara.

Kata kunci: etnik, ketegangan budaya, tarian pendet, media, hubungan Indonesia-Malaysia

This article examines the pendet dance dispute of 2009 which has heightened the tension in Indonesia-Malaysia relations. Employing the realism perspective in international relations studies, this article presents its arguments in three parts: (1) scenario analysis of pendet dance dispute, (2) the factors that influence the issue and (3) its impact on Indonesia-Malaysia relations. Although the issue or controversy of the pendet dance has drawn gained attention in both countries, the reaction of some parties in Indonesia is seen to be quite extreme compared to that of Malaysia. This is largely due to the fact that the pendet dance dispute occurred within the scenario of internal political contestation of post 2009 presidential election in Indonesia. Consequently, anti-Malaysian sentiments were exploited in Indonesia. Nevertheless, the government-to-government relation remains stable, despite the fact that the people-to-people relation is affected, hence adding to another unpleasant spot in the history of the two nations.

Keywords: ethnic, cultural tension, pendet dance, media, Indonesia-Malaysia relations

Title: Penghidupan Petani Padi dalam Mendepani Cabaran Perubahan Iklim:
Peranan Intervensi Kerajaan Menerusi Skim Subsidi Harga Padi (SSHP)
The Livelihood of Paddy Farmers in Facing Challenges of Climatic Change:
The role of Government Intervention through Paddy Price Subsidy Scheme
Author: R. B. Radin Firdaus, Ahmad Zubir Ibrahim, Chamhuri Siwar and Abdul Hamid Jaafar
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(2) 73–92, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Di Malaysia, padi merupakan salah satu komoditi yang diberi keutamaan dalam agenda keselamatan makanan negara. Bagi memastikan pengeluaran makanan ini terjamin, pelbagai usaha telah dilakukan oleh kerajaan untuk meningkatkan pengeluaran komoditi ini. Namun demikian, impak akibat ketidaktentuan iklim bukan hanya memberi kesan kepada pengeluaran makanan malah turut memberi kesan kepada taraf hidup golongan petani padi. Bagi meninjau impak tersebut, model Ricardian telah digunakan untuk menganggar kesan perubahan iklim ke atas hasil pengeluaran padi di lapan kawasan jelapang padi di Semenanjung Malaysia. Dalam kajian ini, data panel dari lapan kawasan tersebut telah digunakan. Berdasarkan senario ramalan perubahan iklim pada masa hadapan, hasil kajian menjangkakan bahawa purata pendapatan petani akan merosot sebanyak 67% bagi tempoh 2020 hingga 2029, 88% dalam tempoh 2050 hingga 2059 dan 127% bagi tempoh 2090 hingga 2099. Kemerosotan dalam pendapatan padi semestinya akan menjejaskan kehidupan petani. Justeru bagi mengurangkan kesan tersebut, Skim Subsidi Harga Padi (SSHP) dilihat sebagai salah satu intervensi kerajaan yang perlu dikekalkan. Hal ini turut disokong berdasarkan satu kajian kes yang dijalankan di Lembaga Kemajuan Pertanian Muda (Muda Agricultural Development Authority [MADA]) yang mendapati jumlah golongan miskin tegar dalam kalangan petani di kawasan pengairan Muda akan meningkat sebanyak 2.2%; miskin sebanyak 9.3% dan mudah terancam sebanyak 61.3% sekiranya kerajaan memutuskan untuk menarik balik SSHP. Oleh yang demikian, bagi memastikan golongan petani padi terus bertahan dalam berhadapan dengan fenomena alam yang tidak dapat dielakkan ini, strategi yang bersesuaian melalui intervensi kerajaan perlu dibangun secara menyeluruh.

Kata kunci: petani padi, perubahan iklim, intervensi kerajaan, keselamatan makanan

In Malaysia, paddy is one of the commodities that is given priority in the national food security agenda. In order to ensure that food production is guaranteed, various efforts have been taken by the government to increase the production of this commodity. Nevertheless, the impact from climate uncertainties would not merely affect the production of food but also the livelihood of paddy farmers. In an attempt to explore such impact, the Ricardian model was adopted to estimate the effect of climate change on rice production in eight granary areas in Peninsular Malaysia. In this study, a panel data from each of these areas was employed. Based on a scenario on future climate, this study expects that on average, farmers' income would decline by 67% in 2020 to 2029, 88% in 2050 to 2059 and 127% in 2090 to 2099. The loss of paddy income would certainly affect the livelihood of farmers. Hence, the Paddy Price Subsidy Scheme (Skim Subsidi Harga Padi [SSHP]) is envisaged as one of the government's interventions that is required to be maintained to reduce the effect. This is supported by a case study conducted in MADA that found that the number of extreme poverty farmers in the Muda irrigation area will increase by 2.2%; poor, 9.3%; and vulnerable, 61.3% if the government decides to withdraw the paddy price subsidy scheme. Therefore, to ensure the survival of paddy farmers in encountering this unavoidable natural phenomenon, an appropriate strategy through government intervention needs to be comprehensively developed.

Keywords: paddy farmers, climate change, goverment intervention, food security

Title: Persepsi Pelajar Prasiswazah Program Pengajian Bahasa Inggeris Mengenai Kecekapan Kendiri dalam Kemahiran Kebolehgajian dalam Sektor Pekerjaan
Self-Perceived Competence of English Language Undergraduates on Employability Skills at the Workplace
Author: Pramela Krish, Kamisah Osman, Subahan T and Zanaton Iksan
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(2) 93–112, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Segulung ijazah tidak boleh dianggap sebagai pasport untuk bekerja di pasaran kerja global yang sentiasa berubah dan berdaya saing. Hal ini terbukti dengan peningkatan kadar pengangguran dalam kalangan graduan, terutamanya graduan institusi pengajian tinggi awam di Malaysia. Adakah ini disebabkan oleh pasaran kerja yang semakin berdaya saing atau disebabkan oleh kualiti para pencari kerja dan graduan semasa yang tidak memenuhi permintaan pasaran kerja? Oleh itu, makalah ini akan melaporkan hasil kajian mengenai kebolehgajian pelajar prasiswazah, yang bertujuan untuk mengetahui sama ada kursus-kursus yang ditawarkan di universiti boleh melengkapkan pelajar prasiswazah dengan kemampuan dan sikap yang sepatutnya untuk bersaing dalam pasaran kerja ataupun sebaliknya. Adakah mereka mempunyai kemahiran komunikasi, kemahiran literasi, dan asas dalam penyelidikan, serta pengetahuan yang diperlukan untuk memenuhi kehendak bakal majikan? Seramai tujuh prasiswazah tahun akhir berkongsi persepsi mereka tentang kecekapan dari segi kemahiran kebolehgajian mereka melalui sesi temu bual. Makalah ini juga melaporkan beberapa pandangan positif yang dikongsi oleh mereka serta memberi beberapa cadangan untuk memperbaiki dan mengintegrasikan kemahiran kebolehgajian dalam kursus pengajian ijazah sarjana muda untuk pengetahuan akademik dan praktikal pelajar prasiswazah.

Kata kunci: kebolehgajian, kebolehpasaran, graduan, celik komunikasi dan bertulis, pengetahuan dan kemahiran penyelidikan

In today's constantly changing and increasingly globalised job market a degree can no longer be regarded as an automatic passport to employment. This is evident with an increasing number of graduates, especially from public institutes of higher learning in Malaysia who are unemployed. Is this due to the more competitive job market or are the current batches of job seekers and graduates unmarketable? Hence this paper reports on a study done to find out whether the courses offered at the universities, adequately prepare them with the right blend and attitude to compete in the job market in terms of sufficient communication and literacy skills and the basic research knowledge to fulfil the needs of the prospective employers. A total of seven undergraduates in their final year of study shared their self-perceived competence on employability via focus group interviews. This paper ends with some recommendations on improving and integrating employability skills in undergraduate courses in terms of academic and practical knowledge.

Keywords: employability, marketability, graduates, communicative and written literacy, knowledge and research skills

 
Short Communication

Title: Penilaian Jurnal Akademik
Evaluation of Academic Journals
Author: Jyh Wee Sew
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(2) 113–144, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Penilaian jurnal akademik merupakan satu langkah saintifik ke arah pemantapan prestasi akademik. Kaedah penilaian yang berkesahihan penting bagi mendapatkan data yang boleh dipercayai. Perbincangan ini meneliti satu penilaian prestasi jurnal akademik dari negara Australia. Kaedah yang digunakan dikaji dan dibentangkan untuk tatapan ahli akademik. Dalam imbasan kritis yang dilakukan, kesahihan judul jurnal yang dipilih menjadi tanda tanya justeru mencabar kewibawaan laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh persatuan pengajian ilmiah yang terbabit.

Kata kunci: jurnal akademik, penilaian, budaya ilmiah, kesahihan, imbasan kritis

The evaluation of academic journals is a scientific method that works towards a consistent academic achievement. A reliable evaluation method is important as it ensures that the data are trustworthy. This academic discussion examines the evaluation of academic journals from Australia. The method used in the report is examined and presented for the purview of academics. In reviewing the report critically, the validity of the journal titles selected is questionable thus this challenges the integrity of the report issued by the academic association concerned.

Keywords: academic journal, evaluation, academic culture, validity, critical review

 
Book Review

Title: The Contours of Mass Violence in Indonesia, 1965–68, eds. Douglas Kanmen and Katharine MacGregor. Singapore and Copenhagen: NUS Press and NIAS Press, 2012, 305 pp.
  Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid

Title: Sains Sosial dan Kajian Pembangunan: Kumpulan Rencana Penghormatan untuk Profesor Abdul Rahman Embong oleh Chin Yee Whah, Nor Hayati Sa'at dan Sity Daud (peny.). Kajang dan Bangi: Persatuan Sains Sosial Malaysia & Institut Kajian Malaysia dan Antarabangsa, 2014, 409 halaman.
  Mustafa Kamal Anuar



Volume 32, Supp. 2, 2014
 

Title: Editor's Introduction
Author: Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid and Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) i-xi, 2014
 

Title: Malaysia's General Elections Amidst the Shadow of Re-Mahathirisation
Author: Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid and Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 1-24, 2014
 
- Abstract  

This article discusses the phenomenon of re-Mahathirisation which engulfed the politics of Malaysia's ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition and its main component party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). Re-Mahathirisation refers to the increase in attachment towards the legacy of Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). Transpiring not long after Mahathir's relinquishment of official power, the process was seen as approaching a peak with BN-UMNO's campaign for the 13th General Elections (GE13) of May 2013. It was orchestrated especially by conservative elements in UMNO disillusioned with the political liberalisation began by his successor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (2003–2009) and continued by Najib Razak. In line with an understanding of conservatism as characterised by resistance against radical change and by admiration of past values, re-Mahathirisation was employed by the BN-UMNO regime during the GE13 hustings to court the large pool of conservative-minded Malay voters. The successful dislodging of Abdullah Badawi from the party-cum-national leadership in 2009 signified a powerful return of Mahathirism to the foreground of UMNO and national politics. Although Najib Razak has pursued Abdullah's political liberalisation initiatives, he felt compelled to tolerate a rising public presence of Mahathir. Re-Mahathirisation has not proceeded without salient implications for UMNO. In the short term, UMNO as a dominant conservative party has strongly rebuilt its legitimacy as the vanguard of the Malay-Islamic agenda ever circumspect of attempts to reform existing multi-racial power sharing arrangements. However, Mahathir's aligning with right wing Malay conservative groups has countered the gains that could be reaped from Najib Razak's dogged advocacy of political reform. As a consequence, BN managed to retain power by virtue only of the heavy electoral weightage given to rural areas. To non-Malays and middle class Malays, UMNO's intransigence to change arguably owes much to its association with Mahathir's recent divisive approach, fear-mongering and unbridled use of conservative rhetoric.

Keywords: Mahathir Mohamad, Abdullah Badawi, Najib Razak, conservatism, general election

Title: Thirteenth General Elections (GE13): Chinese Votes and Implications on Malaysian Politics
Author: Lee Kam Hing and Thock Ker Pong
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 23-53, 2014
 
- Abstract  

In their immediate reaction to the 13th General Elections (GE13) results, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) leaders blamed lack of Chinese electoral support for the poorer results they obtained. This was despite the efforts of Najib Razak, the Prime Minister, in his campaign to win the Chinese over. That the Chinese largely voted against Barisan Nasional (BN) was evident in seats which were Chinese-majority. Nevertheless the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) also did well in mixed constituencies where the Chinese were not the majority. Opposition leaders and many commentators argued that the voting pattern in GE13 reflected not an ethnic but a regional as well as a class divide. Urban votes and a significant proportion of middle-class Malaysians, they insisted, supported Pakatan Rakyat (PR), the opposition, which gained a majority of the popular votes. This paper looks at the voting pattern of the Chinese as reflected in the results, changes in the politics of the Chinese since GE12, and ascertains what issues and concerns influenced the way the Chinese voted. It would also consider the implications the results have on Chinese representation in government and in opposition.

Keywords: Barisan Nasional (BN), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Pakatan Rakyat (PR), Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), United Malays National Organisation (UMNO)

Title: Aliran Mengundi Kaum India dalam Pilihan Raya Umum 2013: Suatu Analisis
Indian Vote Flow in General Election 2013: An Analysis
Author: Suresh Kumar N Vellymalay
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 55–88, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Artikel ini membincangkan aliran mengundi dan perpecahan undi kaum India kepada Barisan Nasional (BN) dan Pakatan Rakyat (PR) dalam Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13 (PRU13). Aliran mengundi kaum India dipengaruhi oleh lokasi sosial kaum India, struktur kelas dan pertambahan pengundi baharu. Di kawasan-kawasan yang mempunyai 10% atau lebih pengundi India bagi kerusi Parlimen, kemenangan lebih berpihak kepada PR berbanding BN. Hal ini bermakna ramai pengundi India telah mengundi untuk calon PR berbanding BN. Terdapat pelbagai faktor lain yang menentukan perpecahan undi kaum India dalam PRU13. Artikel ini menerangkan beberapa faktor yang telah mendorong kaum India untuk mengundi PR; antaranya adalah peminggiran kaum India dalam pembangunan negara, implikasi perjuangan Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF), isu Zulkifli Noordin, kekurangan perwakilan bagi kaum India dalam kerajaan, strategi Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) dalam kempen pilihan raya, perjuangan Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH), peranan media sosial dan keyakinan rakyat pada PR. Walau bagaimanapun, sokongan kaum India kepada BN dalam pilihan raya ini telah meningkat berbanding PRU12. Bantuan dan perkhidmatan yang disediakan oleh kerajaan kepada kaum India melalui Program Transformasi Nasional meningkatkan keyakinan golongan ini terhadap kerajaan BN. Faktor-faktor seperti usaha kerajaan dalam menyelesaikan masalah dokumentasi kaum India, perpecahan dalam kalangan pemimpin-pemimpin HINDRAF dan saranan Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) untuk mengamalkan hukum hudud jika PR menang turut meningkatkan sokongan kaum India kepada BN. Sama ada pengundi India akan terus kembali kepada kedudukan mereka selaku "deposit tetap" kepada Barisan Nasional seperti sedia kala atau beralih kepada PR pada masa hadapan adalah bergantung kepada usaha BN merealisasikan keperluan dan harapan komuniti ini.

Kata kunci: pilihan raya, pengundi India, kerusi Parlimen, Barisan Nasional (BN), Pakatan Rakyat (PR)

This article discusses the voting trend of the Indians and the vote split between the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in the 13th General Election (GE13). The voting trend of the Indians is influenced by their social location, class structure and the increased number of new voters. In areas which have 10% or more Indian voters for parliamentary seats, PR candidates fared better than candidates from the BN. A greater number of Indian voters had therefore voted for PR candidates. Various factors determined the vote split by Indian voters in the GE13. This article explains some of the factors that have prompted the Indians to vote for the PR; such as the marginalisation of the Indians in national development, implications of Hindu Rights Action Force's (HINDRAF) struggle, the Zulkifli Noordin issue, lack of Indian representation in government, Malaysian Indian Congress's (MIC) strategy during the election campaign, the struggle of Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil (BERSIH), role of social media and the confidence that people have for the PR. Nevertheless, Indian support to BN in this election rose compared to the GE12. The assistance and services provided by the government to the Indians through the Program Transformasi Nasional gives them the confidence in supporting the BN government. Other factors such as the government's effort to overcome Indians' documentation problems, disunity among HINDRAF leaders and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia's (PAS) suggestion to practise hudud law upon a triumph of the PR, also enhanced Indians' support towards BN. Whether Indian voters will continue to return to their status as the "fixed deposit" of BN as before or shift to the PR in the future depends on the BN's effort to fulfill the needs and hopes of this community.

Keywords: election, Indian voters, parliamentary seat, Barisan Nasional (BN), Pakatan Rakyat (PR)

Title: The Political Tussle Over Felda Land Schemes – UMNO Strengthens Its Malay Rural Fortress in 13th General Election
Author: Khor Yu Leng
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 89–121, 2014
 
- Abstract  

This paper is about the political economy of Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) and its important place in the electoral politics of the 13th General Election (GE13) held on 5 May 2013. In a heavily contested election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN) has held on to power by winning by a 22-seat majority, despite its worst performance with the loss of the national popular vote and questions about irregularities. However, the hope of Pakatan Rakyat (PR), the opposition coalition, to make inroads in BN's proverbial FELDA "fortress" vote bank was disappointed. Instead, there were swings toward BN. Winning FELDA areas are important to building up its rural base, in order to win enough seats to govern. In the midst of urban rejection, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) has retained stronger control in key rural areas, turfing out and keeping out the opposition coalition from its FELDA stronghold, with Mazlan Aliman of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) reporting on the difficulties of reaching FELDA women voters and in allaying rural voter fears about Democratic Action Party (DAP) Chinese rule. In FELDA settlement areas the ruling coalition is seen to have preferential access by way of its links with FELDA's administration. The windfall from the FELDA Global public listing seems to have been an important boon. However, there are interesting regional differences, notably between Pahang and Johor. Here, the parallels between oil palm replanting economic decision-making and voting behaviour of FELDA settlers is intriguing. Efforts to lure the FELDA youth vote seems to have been flummoxed with so-called money politics, including the offer of new lands for homes for younger voters. At the same time, UMNO-BN may want to repeat its FELDA electoral success by performing Initial Public Offering (IPO) "encores" to generate financial bonuses with two other key land development agencies – Federal Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority (FELCRA) and Rubber Industry Smallholders Development Authority (RISDA). Combined with FELDA, these three agencies may have control and influence of up to 19% of Malaysia's voters.

Keywords: FELDA, palm oil, rural development, political economy, electoral politics

Title: The Social Media Election in Malaysia: The 13th General Election in 2013
Author: Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 123–147, 2014
 
- Abstract  

The 13th General Election (GE13) of 2013 was historic because the Barisan Nasional (BN) won with a slightly reduced majority compared to the last general election in 2008 and surprisingly lost the popular votes to the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) for the first time since 1969. There was a huge swing from the urban and suburban constituencies toward supporting the PR. One of the major contributors to the result was the social media which was once again dominated by the PR, similar to what happened in 2008. Social media is trendy, cheap and easy to access especially for youths who made up half of the voters totalling 13.3 million. Online channels such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, news portals and blogs are popular and became the avenues for political parties from both BN and PR alike for campaigning and tools for the leaders and candidates to meet the electorates in respective constituencies. The impact was enormous for PR parties which were able to utilise it to their advantages, letting the 2013 general election become competitive and strengthening the democratic process in Malaysia. Thus, this article studies the correlation between the phenomena of social media and democracy. It then explores the conditions and effects of social media in Malaysia. Finally, this article analyses thoroughly the impact of social media in the GE13. Based on overall observation, the social media is still dominated by the PR. The election results reflect the influence of social media in Malaysian politics.

Keywords: social media, the 13th General Election, Malaysia, Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat, democracy

Title: Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13: Perubahan Budaya Politik Malaysia dan Krisis Legitimasi Moral Barisan Nasional
The 13th General Elections: Changes in Malaysian Political Culture and Barisan Nasional's Crisis of Moral Legitimacy
Author: Mohd Hariszuan Jaharudin
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 149–169, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Artikel ini cuba menjawab, di sebalik perbelanjaan besar-besaran yang disifatkan sebagai pilihan raya paling mahal dalam sejarah dan penggunaan imej budaya popular oleh Barisan Nasional (BN) untuk memenangi Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13 (PRU13) ini, parti pimpinan Najib Razak telah kehilangan undi popular dengan prestasi yang lebih buruk berbanding 2008. Bagi memahami prestasi buruk ini, artikel ini mencadangkan satu analisis yang melangkaui pergelutan di sekitar kertas undi sahaja. Analisis keputusan PRU13 ini harus dibaca bersama perkembangan 40 tahun terakhir yang berlaku di negara ini di mana perubahan struktur ekonomi, sosial dan budaya telah memberi kesan besar terhadap politik. Kemudian gerakan sosial baru yang berlaku dalam 15 tahun terakhir secara perlahan telah membina ingatan bersama (collective memory) dua generasi yang membentuk identiti budaya yang baru. BN yang menyedari akan perubahan ini cuba untuk menyesuaikan diri dengan melancarkan kempen yang memanfaatkan budaya popular yang mewakili kelompok ini – Twitter, Facebook, Youtube, konsert, telefon pintar – namun budaya popular bukan hanya soal bentuk (forms) tetapi juga hubungan kuasa dan perlawanan (relations of power and resistance). Hubungan kuasa ini membentuk makna dan memberi kesan kepada legitimasi moral. Maka, artikel ini juga akan memajukan satu analisis bagi menjawab, meskipun BN menyedari perubahan budaya politik ini dan melakukan penyesuaian dengan mensasarkan kelompok muda dalam kempennya, tetapi masih lagi gagal memenangi hati pengundi, khasnya golongan muda.

Kata kunci: budaya popular, media baru, reformasi, Pilihan Raya Umum ke-13, belia

The paper aims to answer, despite massive expenditures deemed to have made this 13th General Election (GE13) the most expensive election in history and the use of popular culture images by the Barisan Nasiona (BN) led by Najib Razak to win, the ruling coalition lost the popular vote with a worse performance than in 2008. To understand this poor performance, this paper proposes an analysis that goes beyond the issues surrounding the ballot paper. An analysis of GE13 results should be read in conjunction with the 40 years of development resulting in structural changes in the economy, society and culture, with significant impact on politics. A new social movement from the last 15 years slowly built a collective memory between two generations to form a new cultural identity. BN tried to adapt the changes through their campaign that leverages popular culture which represents this group – Twitter, Facebook, Youtube, concerts, smartphones – but popular culture is not only a matter of forms but also the relations of power and resistance. These power relations shape the meaning and affect the moral legitimacy of BN before getting translated onto the ballot paper. Thus, this paper will also develop an analysis for the answer, why the BN, despite recognising the change in the political culture, making adjustments and targeting the youngsters in its campaign, still failed to win the hearts of the electorate, especially young voters.

Keywords: popular culture, new media, reformasi, 13th General Election, youth

Title: Kelangsungan Dominasi Barisan Nasional di Sabah dalam Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13
The Continuing Dominance of Barisan Nasionalin Sabah in The 13th General Elections
Author: Asmady Idris and Suzalie Mohamad
Source: Kajian Malaysia 32(Supp. 2) 171–206, 2014
 
- Abstract  

Artikel ini cuba membincangkan perkembangan politik Sabah dalam Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13 (PRU13) dengan memfokus kepada kelangsungan dominasi hegemoni Barisan Nasional (BN) dan penambahan kerusi oleh pihak pembangkang di Sabah. Dengan menggunakan tema pembangunan (sebagai strategi politik), BN berjaya mengekalkan penguasaan melebihi dua pertiga dalam kedua-dua kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) dan Parlimen. Manakala, bagi pihak pembangkang, khasnya gabungan Pakatan Rakyat (PR), walaupun gagal membentuk kerajaan tetapi telah berhasil memenangi beberapa kerusi di kawasan majoriti penduduknya berbangsa Kadazandusun dan Murut (KDM) serta Cina. Kemenangan calon-calon pembangkang ini dikaitkan dengan penjajaan beberapa isu yang berkait rapat dengan autonomi Sabah dalam konteks federalisme, isu pendatang tanpa izin (PATI), tanah adat dan lain-lain lagi. Untuk menganalisis kelangsungan dominasi BN di Sabah, penulis menggunakan kerangka konseptual hegemoni-federalisme dari perspektif Gramsci. Justifikasi gabungan kerangka konseptual ini ialah mengambil kira kepelbagaian etnik di Sabah yang sebahagian besarnya "bersetuju" (consent) untuk menerima unsur dominasi kepimpinan oleh sesebuah parti berasaskan permuafakatan politik terhadap keseluruhan masyarakat dan juga menyerahkan struktur kepimpinan mereka kepada satu sistem pemerintahan pusat yang dinamakan sebagai "Federalisme."

Kata kunci: Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-13, hegemoni-federalisme, politik pembangunan, Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat

The article deals with Sabah political developments after the just concluded 13th General Election. The main focus is on the hegemonic dominance of Barisan Nasional (BN), and also the ability of opposition parties, especially Pakatan Rakyat (PR), although they failed to form a government, in securing several seats in areas ethnically dominated by the Kadazandusun and Murut (KDM) as well as the Chinese. It is argued that BN's recipe in maintaining a two-thirds majority was largely associated with its development theme (as a political strategy) that was strongly projected throughout the whole election campaign. Whereas for the opposition parties, the encouraging performance was due to the bombardment of voters with issues very much related to Sabah's autonomy in the federal structure including the 20 points, illegal immigrants, native lands, and others. In analysing the hegemonic dominance of BN, a Gramscian conceptual framework of "hegemony-federalism" will be employed. The employment of this approach is found suitable to the multi-ethnic society of Sabah, the majority of whom have given "consent" to a dominant party based on political consociationalism in guiding their leadership structure within the context of federalism.

Keywords: 13th General Election, hegemony-federalism, politics of development, Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat